1
Democracies in Africa...
It's a difficult proposition.
[all chant] Change!
Because always the opposition...
[crowds cheer]
[Mugabe] ...will want much more
than what it deserves.
We need a transformation of the system
that Mugabe has implemented
over the last 30 years.
[cheering]
They will get arrested
and get bashed by the police.
[Tsvangirai]
How do you go into an election...
...when the opposition is being battered?
Mugabe's crackdown on our people
leaves a trail of broken limbs,
rape victims, torture victims
and dead bodies.
[reporter] Mr. Mugabe,
congratulations on stealing the election.
A stolen election would not be
a democratic election at all.
You talk to President Mbeki.
He's going to issue a statement.
[applause]
[chanting / cheering]
The end is coming.
It has happened elsewhere in history.
I know that the system ultimately
cracks down and the dictators go.
Mugabe is not going to last for long.
I want to befriend my former enemies.
[laughs] And get them on my side.
Change... change the picture.
Be seen as a man of peace.
Even if you are not.
The game of politics is pretending.
[laughs]
[people chanting]
[music / chanting]
[Mwonzora] Change!
[crowd sings]
There is no going back now
There is no going back now
How are you?
The first thing we said to Mugabe
is that we want this country to have laws.
There is a book called a constitution.
It is the second most
important book after the Bible.
So, when we write this constitution,
we're making what we call
the second revolution.
The first revolution we fought with guns,
right?
We removed the white man.
We won that revolution,
and we chose a black man as our leader.
But we never imagined that a black man
could suppress his own people.
So what we're doing now
is fighting a second war.
This second war, ladies,
is a war fought with a pen
and with our brains.
Whites call it a democratic revolution.
So, from 10th April,
we'll be going around asking
every Zimbabwean what they want.
Tell us how many years
a president should rule.
Tell us how much power he should have.
And don't forget to tell us
how he should be voted out.
We want to hear this from you!
[laughs] I love that.
Saluting.
Let's not take the process lightly.
Because the constitution
is what will define
what Zimbabwe does
for the next 200-300 years.
So if our wishes are left out,
then we liberated the country
only for others to rule it.
What is your role as war veterans?
Your first role is to educate the masses.
You are the party's political instructors.
You should be the people
who defend ZANU-PF's position.
You must teach the masses.
You must teach the masses
what our party stands for.
That's clever, right? Can you see it?
Your second role is to mobilize people
to come to the meetings,
when the public hearings begins.
So, make sure that the day the hearings
come, no one is left behind.
Boys!
So, let's go to work.
[radio jingle]
[woman] Hello, Zimbabwe, and welcome
to "Newsreel." I'm Alex Bell.
Today is a historic day.
After years of striving to establish
a constitutional democracy,
Zimbabweans will finally have their say
on how they want to be governed.
The new constitution,
which will be drafted by the
parliamentary committee, COPAC,
is hoped to limit the president's
executive powers
and introduce true democracy in Zimbabwe.
The constitution-making process
will be launched in the capital city
Harare today.
I have never seen
such a disorganized event.
Excuse me. I'm sorry.
[guard] You have to wait in line.
[man] But we are supposed
to be in there already.
It's OK, officer. I'm Honorable Mwonzora.
I'm the chairman
of the Select Committee. COPAC.
I'm the co-chair.
[guard] Honorable Co-Chair Mwonzora...
Co-chair, yes. Excuse me.
[band plays]
Only if our people are free
to participate, debate and discuss
the aspects they want included
in our constitution,
will we be able to create a document
that reflects the will of Zimbabweans.
In this process there can be
no reason or excuse for violence.
There will be no tolerance
of violence against the people.
May the God Almighty bless this process
to a successful conclusion.
I thank you.
His Excellency, the president of the
Republic of Zimbabwe, Comrade Mugabe.
[applause]
We are a free people, a sovereign people,
and we can decide to have
any constitution of our liking,
with principles of course.
I have my own views,
but I want the people to say
what they would want.
But we are the drivers,
and we dare not surrender that
to anyone else.
[laughter]
And this is because we have
the authority from the people.
We're elected by the people.
We represent the people in parliament.
We represent the people
in our inclusive government, don't we?
I can't refuse to rule!
Would you have refused, Mr. Tsvangirai?
-If you had been elected?
-[laughter]
We're poised and raise one flag...
...and shall forever belong
to Zimbabwe as Zimbabweans.
I thank you.
[applause]
Oh, I forgot to launch the thing.
OK, I declare the outreach launched!
[applause]
Here's the bathroom and the fridge.
And the lavatory is there.
-You are sure it's not bugged?
-Yes.
-No one's been here bugging the place?
-Yes, sure.
This is the TV and the remote,
and you've got a tea-making facility.
I can assure you of one thing.
We are a nation of great pretenders.
We are a nation of people
who have been cowed by the system.
So subtle, but so effective.
That... when you just look at people,
you won't believe it,
and you won't see it.
One aspect of our system
that has instilled fear in the people
of Zimbabwe for a very long time:
The secret service.
You talk about bugging in this room.
These are the radiations
of the nature of dictatorship.
How they infiltrate people's lives.
Everywhere you are, you are afraid.
If I say the wrong thing,
I might end up behind bars.
I may have these dark-glassed guys
come and pick me up
and bundle me in a vehicle,
and take me to a place I don't know.
And this has been happening.
But on the face of it,
things seem normal.
But they are not normal.
There is terror everywhere.
[reporter] The MDC- is urging all Zimbabweans
to participate in the constitutional
outreach program.
[reporter 2] Seventy teams of ten members
each will visit all the provinces.
A total of 5,803 meetings are expected
to be convened throughout the country.
[reporter 1] The co-chairs of the
constitutional committee, COPAC,
will oversee that the hearings are
conducted in a free and democratic manner.
But are the people ready
to speak out freely in a country
where it's usually prohibited to criticize
the president and his government?
This and more in the bulletin ahead.
Whoo! That's what I love.
My people have turned up.
Good, good, good, good, good!
This is one of the venues.
Come on, that's very good.
Ah, ah, ah, ah, ah, ah!
Zimbabwe writing their constitution.
I'm finally here!
Huh.
Hey.
How are you?
Greetings, everyone!
[cheering]
Hello, Chief.
[Mangwana] Greetings, ladies!
[man] The ZANU people are here,
but the MDC people are at the school.
But they should all be in one place.
Not some here and others there.
-They all need to be in one place.
-But ZANU won't move.
They will only meet here?
And the MDC people?
-They want to stay at the school.
-But they all need to be in one place.
Listen. Attention, please!
Attention, please!
Today is not like our usual ZANU meetings.
[laughs]
I'm told the MDC are at the school,
but you asked our people to meet here?
Yes, I just thought it was better here.
No, no. The newspaper says
the meeting is at the school.
Let's not make this a big issue.
Do you get me?
Let's not make this an issue.
Can I have your attention, please?
Attention, please!
Attention, please!
There has been two different
meeting places announced.
-[man] We're not moving!
-My comrades.
My comrades, my comrades,
my comrades, my comrades..
-[man] Why should we move?
-My comrades! Listen to me!
I'm your senior,
and you'll do as I tell you.
I'm a senior in ZANU-PF's
Central Committee
and I will not allow you to sabotage
this meeting. Is that clear?
Do you hear me?
Let's just follow
what was decided in Harare.
Let's go to the school,
because there will be no meeting here.
The outreach teams are at the school,
and they will be asking only
the people from MDC of their views,
and they'll be speaking for all of you.
Who will lose out?
Who will lose out?
-Do you want to lose out?
-[crowd] No.
Do you want to lose out?
Then follow me. Then follow me.
Will they wait for us at the other place?
I will rush over and ask them to wait.
They won't start till you get there, OK?
-[man] Can you take the grannies?
-Yes, the grannies can come in the car.
[Mangwana] Come on, grannies,
jump in the car.
Today is a very significant day
for our country and in our lives.
We want to write this constitution
together with you,
the people of Zimbabwe.
We want to write what you people want.
So, I want to remind you
that everything you say will be
written in the new constitution.
[loudspeaker feedback]
Firstly, how should our judges
be selected?
The president should
appoint all the judges.
I insist the president is the only one
who can choose his judges.
I think the president
should select the judges.
I think the president is the only one
capable of appointing judges.
The president, as the capable
and qualified person we chose,
should appoint our judges.
The president should appoint the judges.
[laughs]
One minor issue...
-We want to satisfy our leaders, right?
-That's right.
Yesterday, I was checking in
on meetings in Masvingo province.
Most people were from ZANU-PF,
and the views were all ZANU-PF.
Everything was controlled by ZANU-PF.
A woman from another province
even reported to me:
"Most of the meetings were very short."
The war vets have organized
everything on the ground.
The meetings start
with a warning in the prayer:
"God, we fought hard for this country.
"Our leader is Mugabe.
"The MDC wants to use
the new constitution to remove him.
"We won't allow that.
[both laugh]
"President Mugabe should
continue to rule this country."
So, the prayer itself basically ended
the debate! Nobody said anything.
-But we can't control that.
-No, that's ZANU-PF at work.
Should an executive president
rule the country?
Or a prime minister?
-Only a president.
-Only a president.
-[man] Let's move over there.
-A president only.
-Yes, and there?
-A president only.
[man] We should only have
one strong leader in the country.
-A president?
-Yes.
The ZANU-PF people were drilled to give
the same answers. Very, very drilled.
I should commend them
for being very disciplined.
It made me very frightened.
[Europop ringtone]
Hi, Earnest.
I'm alright.
What I can now confirm
is that ZANU-PF as a party
went ahead and prepared answers
to the talking points.
There is fear that people may have
been told what to say.
Our people are working
with all their hearts.
Exactly. But otherwise
the meetings are well attended.
Please, inform our leaders.
There is a peaceful atmosphere.
Our people are participating.
It looks like the education we provided
has been effective. So far, so good.
We can confirm
that during outreach meetings
the secret police
was present at all meetings.
We can definitely tell that.
Do you have examples of how
these people were intimidated?
Whether they were threatened?
What they were told?
Members of the secret police
would be dropped at meeting centers
before the arrival of COPAC teams.
They would then address
the people gathered.
On what to say, and what not to say.
They would then advise
of the specific measures
that would be taken against those who...
...did not obey them.
Would you say this was well-organized?
It was certainly well-organized.
You stupid people at the News Day
can write all the rubbish you want.
The only time you phone me is when you
want to comment on something negative.
Why are you not talking
about positive things?
Ask me one good question:
How is the constitution-making
program going?
Ask us as the people driving the process.
Ask us, the people driving the process:
What progress is going on?
Then we'll give you
both the negative and the positive.
But if you only call me when you have
heard something negative,
don't waste my time!
Yes, thank you, we are now talking.
There is very good progress.
Outreach has started in Manicaland,
and there are no hitches and no incidents.
Midlands has started very well.
Mashonaland Central, no hitches.
The process is going on well.
They've started asking people their views,
and everything's going very well.
Yeah.
So, every day, if you ask me about
the progress, I'll give it to you.
But don't start by picking negative things
you have picked up in the street.
Then the free press will feel my fist.
She will tell her editor:
Don't make me call that man again.
[loud music]
[man] Hey, hey, hey, hey, hey, hey, hey,
hey, hey, hey, hey. Hey, hey, hey. Hey!
-Hey.
-OK...
-Don't you know Zimbabwe law?
-Sure, we know.
-Don't you know Zimbabwe law?
-[Mwonzora] No, let me explain to you.
-[man] I don't want any explanation.
-No, it was on the constitution.
-Alright, we can go. We can go.
-[man] Get the fuck out of here!
Get the fuck out of here!
[car door closes]
[loud thud]
Sorry, my friend.
We were just... No, my friend.
[man] Who are you to come here?
[Mwonzora]
No, please, my friend... We have...
[man] I don't care if you have proper
COPAC whatever... Fuck you.
[Mwonzora] OK, we will go. Please, sir.
I'm really sorry about that.
-Driver, hurry, hurry!
-[man] Get the fuck out of here!
-Get the fuck out of here.
-[Mwonzora] Alright, alright.
[car engine starts]
One day the land shall be free.
The Select Committee, COPAC,
would like to inform the nation
on the developments so far during
the constitutional outreach program.
Although there were challenges
when the process started,
there's been some remarkable progress
in areas where meetings have been held.
-The atmosphere has been conducive...
-You say the atmosphere was conducive.
At one meeting, only five people
were brave enough to make inputs
out of the 1,200 people who attended.
I do not know what you are talking about.
Some people are claiming there has been
some violence in some provinces.
I must say categorically
that these reports are false.
When you say there has been no violence,
can you categorically say that
the reports about outreach monitors
being assaulted are absolutely false?
So far all the meetings
we have conducted are peaceful.
If anyone else calling himself whatever
visited a beer hall and got assaulted,
we can't account for that.
Those who dream of Zimbabwe fighting
during the constitution-making process
continue to perpetuate these lies,
but in time, they'll eat humble pie.
There's so much fiction in this country.
You dream of Mangwana beating you up
and you'll fear to come here.
But Mangwana is smiling at you.
[reporter] The outreach teams are now
moving on from the rural areas
to the urban centers
and to the capital city, Harare.
So far, the hearings have been
dominated by ZANU-PF.
The MDC-T's Douglas Mwonzora,
however, says he is convinced
MDC-T's supporters will participate
in great numbers in the urban areas
as these are opposition strongholds
not under ZANU-PF control.
ZANU has been bussing people in here.
That is the sad story.
ZANU-PF brought them here to outnumber
us. You can already see the tension.
And our problem is that our people
from the MDC are disorganized.
They come here and make noise.
They are drunk.
They don't finish a statement.
They run away and come back.
Almost three quarters of the people here
are from ZANU-PF.
They've bussed all these people in,
and now their people are in majority.
Next question.
What liars people are!
They say we've been bussing people in
and that there are intimidations
and disruptions by ZANU-PF.
I personally haven't seen any bussing in.
What's that guy from the rural area
doing here in a Harare suburb?
Who? Which one?
He's probably just visiting
his sister here in Epworth!
[Earnest] That's the guy
from the rural area.
[Mangwana] Oh. Where do you know him from?
We have seen him
in the security videos we have.
ZANU-PF is consistent. If they want
500 people here, then it's 500 people.
We are not seeing our members out there.
[sighs]
[car horn]
They don't have structures.
We have solid structures which function.
When I give an instruction from up,
it filters down. Straight to the street.
And that is why most who are attending
these sessions are from our party.
COPAC is now in Harare, starting today.
Can you give us an update?
Yes, outreach started very well in Harare,
with meetings being
well-attended and very peaceful.
People were expressing their views
as freely as possible.
We were quite happy
with the way things turned out.
Let's do this, boys. Move closer.
We want to implement what is
known as "down, but not out," OK?
Tomorrow the program is going on.
Let's organize!
-You should have informed us.
-Listen to yourself now.
-Listen to what sir is saying.
-Yes, we are at a disadvantage now.
If it were football,
it's 1-0 at half-time.
What do we do?
We have to fight.
Yes?
There's a place called
Mai Musodzi Hall in Mbare.
I understand there's been skirmishes.
Some people got hurt, others arrested.
I don't know
if there has been a gun shot...
Have you been there?
What do we do?
Really? How many are hurt?
Really?
Yes, in two minutes I'll be there.
This is quite some crowd.
[man] Your Honor, how are you?
[Mangwana] All good, and you? What are
those beer bottles doing at a meeting?
Why stop now?
-We have decided to do it tomorrow.
-No, I'm not here tomorrow.
-And many others, too. Why not today?
-[Mangwana] No, man.
Why not?
[man] Boss, we're not here tomorrow.
We were brought here in busses.
We are ready today.
Tomorrow is Monday, people are working.
Let's just do this COPAC thing today!
We are ready now!
[Mangwana] No, you've got to cool down.
If you speak like that,
I'm not able to answer you.
[Mangwana] Alright, order, order, order!
Order, order!
Please, come this way.
Come this way.
Please, let's talk about this.
Sit on the benches there.
I said sit down,
so we can talk about this!
-Everyone calm down!
-[man] Let's gather here.
Ask everyone to come this way,
so we do this together.
[smashing]
[fence rattling]
[Mangwana] Let's get out of here.
-[knocking]
-Yeah?
I am coming back here!
-[man] Don't waste people's time.
-I said I'm coming back.
-[man] You're a sellout!
-[thud]
-We bumped into something?
-Someone threw a stone under the car.
Remove the stone!
-[woman] This is a sign of failure!
-I'm coming back!
We don't like sellouts!
You know what we do to them!
Just move! Just go!
[man] We'll beat sellouts!
We'll beat those who sell the country!
Yesterday, we had meetings
scheduled for Harare.
Unfortunately, we received allegations
that "some" political parties
had bussed people to venues. People
were not free to express themselves.
As a result, most of the meetings
were aborted because of the violence
and intimidation
that was pervading the meetings.
At Mai Musodzi Hall in Mbare,
there was a lot of violence.
Five people were taken to hospital
after receiving injuries.
At some meetings, Honorable Mangwana
and myself were also harassed.
[reporter] The constitution-making process
has been suspended with immediate effect
after violence disrupted
the public meetings in Harare.
Several MDC supporters were injured.
Prime minister and leader of
the MDC-T, Morgan Tsvangirai, said
his party will not tolerate any violence
in the constitution-making process.
Tsvangirai has threatened to pull out,
unless the public hearings
can be conducted in a free
and democratic manner.
The MDC and ZANU-PF, however,
disagree on the way forward,
and a deadlock has been declared.
[Mwonzora] Your party spoilt it all
with violence and bussing.
-It wasn't necessary.
-[Mangwana] No, it was not necessary.
I even told my party it's not necessary
to bus in any people. Don't!
[Mwonzora] So, our ability to correct
the situation will be put into play.
[Mangwana] Yeah, of course.
-This side.
-This side.
So, we sit in here. I will sit here.
Bishop?
Listen. The dogs are unleashed.
They need to be brought back home.
Yeah.
Ceasefire.
Whoa!
Can you assist us with damage control?
Damage control.
That thing is now getting out of hand.
It's as if ZANU-PF doesn't want
the constitution anymore.
The message in the country is that
ZANU-PF doesn't want the constitution.
That has never been our intention.
So we need to control it
immediately and swiftly.
[novelty ringtone]
Hello. Hey, my friend.
I'm fine. How are you? What's up?
That young boy we saw?
He is dead?
Oh, Jesus... Oh...
Thanks for telling me.
One of the people who was
assaulted in Mbare has died.
At Mai Musodzi Hall.
-Let's make this short.
-That's fine.
[music / singing]
[Mwonzora] My condolences. I'm very sorry.
Did he tell you who beat him
when he came home?
He just said that he had been beaten up,
and that it was by a lot of people.
-Alright. OK. Where did he die?
-He died in hospital.
OK, I understand.
Ma'am, I'm very sorry. Is there
anything else you want to tell me?
Just that it's very painful for us
that a person can actually
be beaten to death just like that.
-We are really hurting.
-I understand.
Yes, we're really in pain.
[man] Beaten to death while we write
our constitution! Just like that.
We don't have faith that
you're hearing what we're saying.
That we can ever speak freely
at the public hearings.
Because the same people
will come back and beat us up.
-Mugabe is a bullshit! Mugabe must go!
-Alright, I'll see what I can do.
[laughter]
[singing]
Tell the ruler to let his children go
Tell the ruler to let his children go
Mwonzora, set us free!
Mwonzora is with us
Mwonzora!
Mwonzora is with us
[soundtrack only]
Come here, my friend.
[Mangwana]
The angels are not on our side.
[Mwonzora] What do you mean?
My friend, having come this far
and we are just getting messed up now.
Or we are messing ourselves up.
Yes. The main issue here is violence.
Because the violence
goes to the fundamentals
of the relationship between the parties.
It's that the incidents push
people's minds back.
Personally, I think... Well, it may be
a solution you may need to think about.
All the areas that are affected
have to be redone.
Symbolically.
Where the police come
and meaningfully restore order.
But I drove around that day.
Especially on this side of Harare,
the meetings were all peaceful.
The meeting at Mufakose
was like a church service.
What I'm saying is:
Let's say at 10:30 things are fine.
You are satisfied and happy.
Everyone looks happy.
Then you leave.
At 11:30 a group comes,
and the meeting becomes riotous.
In your mind it was all peaceful.
So, those are some of the realities,
because the report signed by both
parties says that meeting was riotous.
Oh?
Mangwana and ZANU-PF
do not want Harare to be redone.
The reason is that if Harare is redone,
it will be redone under conditions
which are different from those
that were created by ZANU-PF.
The conditions they created,
conditions of intimidation,
harassment of people, bussing in
of people from the rural areas.
It was an expensive exercise for them.
Now, if it is to be redone,
then those people will be absent,
and the Harareans will speak.
And they will speak with a vengeance.
Mangwana and company are afraid of that.
-Hello, sir. How are you?
-Fine, fine.
-Your report is ready?
-Yes.
Just go through the report on your own.
-Then we can compare notes.
-OK.
-Fundo Primary School, volatile.
-[Mangwana] What does "volatile" mean?
-Volatile? It's very tense.
-No. That's a very big English word.
-Go and check the dictionary.
-Meaning?
Volatile means at one stage or the
other there could have been argument.
-It was an explosive situation.
-Give it up!
I attended some of these meetings.
So, for me to agree they were bad,
someone has to define
what they mean by volatile.
Certainly not conducive. They may mean
something else, but not conducive.
-I'm simply saying... I want to look...
-Volatile is not the same as conducive.
No, it's not. But does that condemn
a meeting, which otherwise was OK?
Something motivated them to use it.
-One participant insulted team leaders.
-So...?
There is no meeting without a situation.
One participant attacked a team leader.
Does that make the meeting disordered?
If we have to redo all the ones
that were tense,
then we'll have to re-do every single
meeting in the entire country.
-We're dealing with Harare...
-We can't take Harare out of context.
We were asked to do a report for Harare.
We can't take Harare out of context.
Harare is happening
in a Zimbabwean context.
The official report states that
at first there was some tenseness,
but the meeting proceeded smoothly.
That's all we need to know.
Except that it doesn't say
the meeting proceeded well.
So, we redo that one.
-Kuwadzana High School.
-District 19.
-It says riotous?
-Yes, it was riotous.
-Are you sure?
-Yes, that was riotous.
-[Mwonzora] C.J. Hall. Tense and noisy.
-No, it's fine.
You insist on a meeting being
as peaceful as a church service.
[Mwonzora] Very volatile.
Waterfalls.
[Mwonzora] Redo, redo...
Alright, call me tomorrow.
Let me get back to you.
Great. Well done!
Mangwana is playing bravado.
-Ah, but he has...
-He has lost it.
[laughs]
It's going to be a very good news item.
Harare to be redone.
Dead set!
[woman] How much power
should the president have?
How much power
should the president have?
Excuse me!
What I want to know is ...
...why anyone would take the powers
from the current president?
He's not going anywhere.
He really is not going anywhere!
He will rule until he dies.
He will rule until he dies.
[uproar]
I would like a president to be elected
by people's vote
and there should be laws for him
to step down when his term is over.
We also want a president from our party.
[cheering]
[yelling]
Folks, please...
The girl is bringing up crucial points.
You're destroying her speech.
Be quiet and let her speak.
A president should be between
the age of 40 and not older than 75.
[uproarious response]
If the president is found guilty,
parliament must have the power
to demand that he steps down.
Everyone should have
the right to air their views
with no discrimination.
Just allow us to be free in all those
areas where we are suppressed.
A president should have
a maximum of two terms of five years.
No president should be so old
that he dies in power!
[applause]
- Zimbabwe, times are changing
-Change!
Zimbabwe, times are changing
Tsvangirai, ring your bell
and let's go!
Tsvangirai, ring your bell
and let's go!
-[man] OK, can we move on?
-4.11.3a.
To be rephrased to:
"Exercise control over
or interfere with anyone licensed..."
We have added the word "licensed."
"...and engaged in broadcasting."
You must be licensed
and then engaged in broadcasting.
[man] I'm having a problem with that.
[Mangwana]
I also have a problem, Chairman,
with the rate and pace
at which we are going.
Chair, you are very wrong,
with due respect.
Wait, let me speak.
I want to answer for myself.
I have a right, like any other
Select Committee person,
to query, if I so wish,
what the co-chairpersons are presenting.
Let's write a constitution
that we'll all be able to defend.
If I have a genuine concern,
it's a genuine concern.
What I'm not going to accept,
Honorable Mangwana,
is for you to dictate to me. You can't!
I'm a representative
of my own organization.
We are equal in here,
I want to make that clear.
Surely I'm entitled to raise things
if I feel that something is wrong?
We have found each other, and we
have overcome some of the sticky issues.
One of which was: That political parties
represented in COPAC are equal.
Their co-chairpersons are equal, and
there is no one who is above the other.
Every decision is done by consensus.
Once we agreed on that, we are moving.
[cheering / applause]
Well done, Mwonzora!
[reporter] Zimbabwean police have arrested
MDC lawmaker Douglas Mwonzora
as he was leaving Parliament yesterday.
A spokesman for the party says
that the charges leveled against him
are politically motivated
and completely false.
Mwonzora is currently being held
in detention awaiting bail.
-What is your party doing to Mwonzora?
-What?
Making up these fake cases.
It's not fair.
-You guys are trying to distract him.
-No, not at all. Not at all.
It's a deliberate move
that they raise his case at this point
when they're supposed to discuss
the crucial part of the drafting process.
And... they tend to take away his focus.
And as you probably have noticed,
Mangwana is in full gear.
He feels he's in charge.
Good. 2.8, agreed. 2.9, agreed.
Thank you very much for being
so cooperative, ladies and gentlemen.
Let us continue tomorrow in this spirit,
and we'll have a constitution
within the next ten days.
-[man] You've done very well, Mangwana.
-Sure! Thank you very much.
I'm going down to a very awkward situation
because it's part of the constitution.
I'm sure you're used to it.
In the last month, 100 people,
MDC and others, have been detained
because here you arrest people,
then you do investigations.
This is extremely dangerous
for this inclusive government
and for your constitutional process,
which must come to a logical conclusion.
Our having an inclusive government
is no license for people to commit crimes,
and then when they are arrested,
they say: "We've been victimized."
They arrest people in this country,
and then they do investigations.
-You arrest somebody on the suspicion.
-You don't have to put them in jail.
It's a bailout system.
In South Africa, it's there.
You do not stay overnight in South Africa
in a filthy prison with no running water.
These are disgusting,
lice-ridden hellhole prisons.
-Remove your sanctions, and we'll...
-Bullshit about the sanctions.
-It's bullshit to blame the sanctions.
-We can argue for the whole day.
Our law allows the judiciary system...
Your incompetent police force
can't do their investigations
and so they arrest people.
I've been in prison. I know it firsthand.
You can only fight the system
if you have the same weapons
that they are using against you.
The system is armed.
The system has prisons.
And what do you have?
Your bare hands. Your legal knowledge...
All those become useless weapons.
I'm in the system,
and I know how lethal it is.
You can't fight it.
You're kidding yourself.
[Mangwana] The constitution-making process
is a people-driven, inclusive process.
The stakeholders will be given
an opportunity to discuss the draft
and adopt it before it is presented
to Parliament for debate.
When the draft is in place, it will be
presented to a stakeholder conference
for further discussion and scrutiny.
As we promised, we are...
The co-chairs are happy to entertain
questions from yourselves.
Save that I want to protect my brother
from being questioned
about his experience at "college."
[laughter]
[Mangwana]
We will not answer those questions.
Any further questions?
-This is the real press conference.
-Yes, this is the real one.
My arrest was not a fair arrest at all.
The arrest was not justified.
The manner of arrest was not justified.
Three days in the police station
I was not allowed water or food.
That showed that the people
who arrested me
were not really interested
in the alleged crime,
but in creating certain conditions.
It was obviously meant to affect
the ability of the MDC in this process.
I am in opposition, because I want
to remove Mr. Mugabe.
Mr. Mugabe and the ZANU-PF know that.
And we don't have to say nice things
if we are to remove him from power.
We have lost about a month,
but having said that,
I am against the rushing of this process
because it would produce a wrong result.
It is important that we respect
the views of the people of Zimbabwe
and give them due seriousness
and consideration
in the drafting of the final report.
I don't think that Mangwana
is a representative
of the decisions that his party makes.
So, to that extent
I have nothing against him.
He did not cause my arrest.
Every time you see
Mangwana pushing things,
he is being pushed by his party.
And he loses all reasoning.
So, he is a... messenger,
who must not be shot with the message.
[man speaking indistinctly in background]
I've been called for trial on the 2nd.
-They won't agree to a postponement.
-You're charged with a technicality.
I want to take it to the supreme court.
And also... you see...
They're prosecuting one person.
They're prosecuting me, because I'm me.
[reporter] Robert Mugabe is understood
to be unhappy in the coalition government
and wants the new constitution done
as soon as possible.
Paul Mangwana is under high pressure
to complete the constitution,
or else the process will be taken over
by a management committee
appointed by the president.
-He was in court again.
-But they could have advised us.
-Instead of keeping us waiting.
-I know. We've lost half the day.
I think we need an introspection.
Are we serious about coming up with
a constitution within any given time?
Last week we only worked for two days.
And what is this saying to the country,
which is expecting a constitution?
I think let's be fair with each other.
The delays are not my fault.
I don't want to delegate, and my party
doesn't accept that I delegate.
So, those who arrest me right now
and bring me before courts
are slowing the process themselves,
and they know it.
This is our predicament
as the MDC-T team.
There's me being prosecuted for offenses
that were allegedly committed in 2003.
And the timing is now,
when we're at this crucial stage.
But this is the reality on the ground.
This is the state we are living in.
If I was to tell you what happens
in the courts when we get there...
You're just made to sit there.
No prosecutor takes your case.
No magistrate takes your case.
And then you are told to go home.
After five to six hours...
We are not making this up.
We are being harassed.
It's not justice at all.
I'm representing a party
which has been in power for 33 years
using the same constitution.
Obviously, anything which keeps you
in power is not bad.
So, by leading the process of changing
what has really been working...
Convincing your leadership
that though it's been working,
it's not the best thing for the country.
It needs to change.
That's not an easy task.
-Hi!
-Madame.
Now that you came,
I'm sure everything will be alright.
-And how are you this morning?
-I'm alright.
OK. Nice to see you.
I am alive now.
We need to be more aggressive
in the inclusive government.
I think we are treating ZANU-PF
with kid gloves too much.
So, we need to show some teeth.
Who told them this? "A person is
disqualified for election as president
if he or she has already held office
for one or more periods."
My president reading this?
He is being disqualified in a draft?
Why did they put this in?
Can't you see the political...
-We'll ask that question today.
-With politics working like this?
I'm just fed up.
I'm going to take a political position.
-No. My young brother, listen to me.
-They've taken a political position.
Somebody still wants his job,
and he writes that.
So sensitive, so provocative.
If you have sensitivities,
why do you write that?
You are saying that I'm stupid.
It's disqualifying the incumbent!
No, my comment is that the draft is fine.
The clause is a good clause.
It has to be there.
So, those who have been presidents before
must not be allowed to contest anymore.
You put in a clause which is
actually removing the candidacy
of the most powerful person
in the political scene,
that's the existing president,
on the belief that it will not be seen.
So, you're actually undermining
and disrespecting the team setup.
That they'll be so naive
as to not see what you have done.
[reporter] A highly confidential draft
of Zimbabwe's new constitution
has been leaked to the press
and was printed in today's "Herald."
The leaked document
contains a controversial clause,
which bars Robert Mugabe from reelection.
The clause says that any person
who's already held the presidential office
for ten years
is disqualified from
contesting in the next polls.
It has caused chaos at ZANU-PF's
politburo. A spokesperson said
the clause is an insult to the president
and the ZANU-PF party.
Party colleagues and war veterans
have labeled Mangwana a sellout
for allowing the clause
in the new constitution,
which would end Mugabe's presidency.
Right now, I don't think Mangwana
is a very safe person in ZANU-PF.
Because some of the ZANU-PF people
think he sold out,
think that he is against the president.
To be called a sellout in Zimbabwe
is to be condemned to death.
The militia can do anything
they want with you.
The army, the intelligence
and the police...
Your treatment, or ill treatment
by these organs
becomes justified because of your label.
He could be killed.
Obviously they are insinuating
that I'm part of a team
which is trying to oust
the president from power.
If you read the headline and the story...
The headline reads:
"Mugabe ouster plot thickens.
Mangwana set for grilling."
So, in other words,
I'm part of a team trying to oust him
through the use of
the constitutional draft.
It came from the drafters.
The clause which says that Mugabe...
"A person is disqualified for election
if he has already held office
for one or more periods, continuous
or not, amounting to ten years."
...did not come from outreach.
Did not come from the Select Committee.
It was an invention of the drafters.
Mangwana is suing Daily News
for one million.
This is the problem of dealing with
the press from a position of authority,
and then you lose that authority.
The man was Minister of Information.
Could summon any editor.
Now he is on the receiving end
of actual journalism
and doesn't know how to react.
Because they are insinuating that
I'm not loyal to my own leadership,
which is quite a serious indictment
on my political character.
No, it was put in there by drafters,
as a proposal by the drafters,
which we obviously are going
to review and most likely remove.
I think a clause like this...
Let's debate it very detachedly.
It is necessary.
"A person is disqualified for election
if he or she has already held office
as president for one or more periods
amounting to ten years."
-I do have a problem straight away.
-Yes, Mr. Mangwana.
I think we need to first of all satisfy
ourselves that what we are reading
came from our instructions.
If it didn't, it should be deleted.
It can only be part of our draft after
we've all agreed it should be there.
Because in the first place,
it was not supposed to be there.
-OK, and therefore it must what?
-It must be removed.
We are not in agreement.
[Mangwana] Then if we are failing...
If we are failing to agree on simple
terms, we are not prepared to proceed.
We have a fundamental problem, and we
don't even agree on how to deal with it.
I didn't know that
this was going to arise.
If anything they put here did not come
from us, we must remove it.
We did not give them that chapter.
They gave us this chapter.
The content of this chapter...
It may have been given the wording
that it is not supposed to have,
but in fact that content has been
discussed and, to my knowledge, agreed.
[Mangwana] No, you are wrong.
If we disagree here because you interpret
it wrongly, then we don't agree.
Let's not waste time.
-[Mwonzora] Why are you so angry?
-Because you insult my intelligence.
You insult my intelligence
by deliberately misinterpreting...
[Mwonzora] Aren't you insulting
his intelligence?
I'm arguing with a Ph.D.
[Mwonzora] The debate is out of order.
Now with that disagreement,
I think it is futile for us to proceed.
I don't seem to appreciate whether
we are making much movement here.
[reporter] ZANU-PF lawmaker Paul Mangwana
has been accused of staging
a political coup against Robert Mugabe.
Mangwana denies the allegations
and says
the clause was illegally inserted
by the drafters of the new charter.
He is now threatening
to fire the drafters for misconduct.
Political analysts say that firing
the drafters could be the final straw
that would collapse the entire
constitution-making process,
which is now more than two years
behind schedule
and has been marred by controversy
from the beginning.
First, it was only NewsDay, and we
thought it was only a small matter.
It went onto the Daily News.
It has become personal, attacking me.
Alleging that I'm planning
to do a technical coup.
If my leader hears that the one he sent
to do the job now wants to remove him
do you think he'll be happy?
[continues talking indistinctly
on the phone]
This guy is under pressure.
Freedom is coming tomorrow...
[laughter]
Let me just say, Mr. Mangwana,
that the spirit that we want to work in
is that the people here must be free,
must feel free to contribute.
I may share the same sentiments
with you, or I may not.
So, OK, fine, there is debate there.
There is disagreement on whether this
content is within the instruction or not.
I think to be fair to the drafters...
To be fair to the drafters...
Their interpretation of the mandate
was not outrageous.
If we want to continue on this route,
I'll say let's stop here.
I seek further political instructions
on the way forward.
On whether or not,
with this level of disobedience,
we can continue to have the same drafters.
We are mixing two things...
I'd have to seek instructions, because
I have a whole analysis I've done.
And I'll go back to my party and say:
"This is what I instructed the drafters
to do. This is what they have done."
If the analysis shows a percentage
of not following instructions,
can they follow instructions? Can I
repose trust and confidence in them?
Whether we are going to stop or whatever
is up to you. But the issue is:
I am not going to stop giving my opinion,
because it will offend you.
I am a Zimbabwean,
entitled to give my opinion.
I am a lawyer by profession,
I'm a lawyer by training.
You need to appreciate that.
But we are saying, it is justified!
-We don't want to argue whether it's...
-It is justified! It is not a misconduct.
-We are not charging anyone...
-Yes, you want to fire drafters.
We're here to audit and not to justify
why the drafters did what they did.
-[Mwonzora] And not to fire them.
-No! I've said I'm not firing them.
But if you continue to justify them,
you are now pushing me
to also take the argument of firing.
If you don't push for a justification,
I won't fire. If you justify, I'll fire.
If you push for a justification,
I'm going to fire them.
[Mwonzora] There is something which
answers to substance, Mr. Mangwana.
I think it is important because...
Who will fire who?
We will be firing ourselves as well.
Forget about it.
It's not going to happen.
[soundtrack only]
Honorable Members.
I think it is best to lay
the cards on the table
so that we appreciate each other
when people take certain stances.
Honorable Mangwana,
I'm uncomfortable
with the talk about firing the drafters,
because then we will wave
this whole thing bye-bye.
I will admit there are some areas
where they went overboard.
They are there.
But we want the constitution to succeed.
We can not defend something
which collapses the process.
Doesn't make sense to us.
So, let's go to...
Nobody loses anything.
And this presidential clause, I don't
have any problems rewriting that.
There's no problem. I just took
new instructions on this clause.
That clause has to be interrogated.
We can substitute it, even remove it.
-I'm in agreement.
-No problem. Audit, substance.
And in auditing, you'll be saying
this is it in this document?
Yes.
[laughter]
My older brother,
you are looking relieved.
-You are saved. You didn't oust him.
-No?
The ouster clause...
Election of President.
Election of President...
[reporter] Robert Mugabe has survived
the alleged plot to oust him
as the controversial clause,
that would have barred him
from serving more terms as president,
has been revised.
The presidential term limits
will now only apply to future presidents,
who will be able to serve
a maximum of two five-year terms.
[woman] Mr. Mangwana, are you alright?
I want to give you a hug,
but I don't know if I can?
You're calling our office
shouting your lungs out.
Are you from The Standard?
How can you publish a...
Let's discuss it in the shade.
How do you publish
a defamatory statement about someone
as important as I am? Running such an
important project? You call me a liar?
Someone, who is misrepresenting
things to the president?
I'm lying to the politburo?
I should be replaced, I'm incompetent?
-Yes, that was a mistake.
-Any sane journalist would know...
-It wasn't a journalist who wrote that.
-No!
I've been minister of information.
When we want to convey certain things
we pretend someone has written
a letter to the editor.
I am going to take
your paper to the cleaners!
The first law you must learn
as a journalist
is how to avoid a defamatory suit.
-But that was a letter to the editor...
-If it's defamatory, don't publish it.
If you publish a defamatory letter,
you have participated in defaming.
In a bigger way than even the person
who has written it.
Because the person has written to you,
and you've let the whole country know!
And now to discuss
the constitution-making process
and the media reportage on the issue,
we're joined by COPAC co-chairperson,
Comrade M. Paul Mangwana.
-We welcome you to News Hour.
-Good evening.
And claims that you should be disbanded?
COPAC should be disbanded?
That is retrogressive. We have done
a lot of work to come to where we are.
We are almost finishing the task.
If the media can leave us alone,
we could come up with a draft
constitution by the end of this month.
But we need peace
and more positive reportage
for us to concentrate on our work.
We are going to surprise Zimbabweans
by coming up with a constitution
they'll love.
I must be able to say:
Whilst my party believes in this,
but what is good for the country is that.
I've got the role to persuade my party.
It's not everything which is there,
which my party wants.
You must be an instrument of change.
Changing the mindset of your leadership.
Then that is leadership.
Give me an alternative,
where you will say:
This will take the process forward.
Natural resources should benefit
inhabitants where they live. I agree.
Recognition that the power to rule...
That is clause 8.
...the power to rule must be derived
from the authority of the people.
Let's debate this. The ZANU-PF position,
as I understand it, is here.
-Let's send separate papers!
-Why should you tell us that?
We can conduct our disagreements
in a more civilized way, I think?
What I've realized is that people
don't admire ruffians... for leaders.
They don't admire bullying people.
FINAL NEGOTIATIONS
[Mangwana] The Constitution of Zimbabwe.
Not the COPAC Draft Constitution.
It's now The Constitution of Zimbabwe.
Write Zimbabwe just below there.
We can say "by COPAC," if you want.
-[woman] This one?
-That's it.
Super.
I will keep this one in my safe at home.
The original.
Yes, each of us should
have a copy for life.
[indistinct chatter / laughter]
-Have they started signing?
-They have started signing.
-But we are not signing today.
-No, I know. You will sign tomorrow.
The Draft Constitution of Zimbabwe.
The Constitution of Zimbabwe.
Congratulations.
[cheering / laughter]
Once we've finished signing,
there's one place I want to show you.
-What have you hidden in here?
-I won't say now.
I'll show you after you've signed.
I won't reveal it now.
[laughter]
-I also want a copy for me.
-No, these will all be signed now.
You'll have to wait for your own one.
Whether we did it well,
or we didn't do it well,
we have a constitution, guys.
Because of the unique nature
of our arrangement...
Motion number one. Honorable Mwonzora.
Mr. Speaker, I can say with authority
that, under this constitution,
we have the most comprehensive
Bill of Rights
on the African continent.
If not in the whole world.
We have rights to personal liberty.
Rights of arrested
and detained persons, Mr. Speaker.
[laughter]
I must say that
this constitution-making process
is to go down in history
as one of the processes
which brought about
national healing in our country.
We started with quarrels,
by the time we completed this process,
you could not distinguish an MDC-member
from a ZANU-PF member,
a ZANU-PF member from an MDC-T member.
That is the kind of national healing
this process achieved.
[singing / cheering]
I have the result of the poll
for the referendum,
and it is as follows:
3,079,966 votes
were received in favor of
the adoption of the draft constitution.
179,489 votes
were received against the adoption.
The draft constitution is declared
to have been adopted
by the people of Zimbabwe as the
Constitution of Zimbabwe. I thank you.
[applause]
-Congratulations.
-We made it.
There we are.
[soundtrack only]
Mugabe is going to read these signatures.
And he shall read this signature.
I'm so proud of my work.
I can't believe that I,
the son of Mangwana,
has given this country a new life
with this beautiful constitution
I have written.
The good thing is, this constitution
is no longer changeable
by the principals, including Mugabe.
[band plays]
[chanting]
Please be seated.
I want to thank...
...COPAC, the Select Committee...
...for now having come
to brought us to this stage.
We waited and waited and waited...
And we thought there was to be no end.
Sometimes parliament thinks
that it is so, so sovereign
that it should control
the acts of the principals.
It's not!
[laughter]
Mwonzora!
-And your new friend Mangwana...
-[laughter]
...you have been showing off here!
[laughter]
Sometimes people fail to know
where power has derived from.
There is no end to...
the clear, clear violation
of principles of natural justice
on the part of ZANU-PF.
It's an evil party, an evil system,
presided over by an evil man.
[Mangwana] If you don't change,
you will be changed.
If you do not change yourself,
your tactics, your strategies,
your way of doing things,
then change will change you.
So, you must move with change.
Life is dynamic.
This is what I was telling
my party colleagues. It's dynamic.
Politics is about doing what is popular,
and what is popular changes.
So, you and the project
had to be destroyed?
Me and the project
had to be destroyed.
-So, they wanted to it be an accident?
-Yes.
They wanted an accident. They sent word
to my team that I had sold out
and the team then said:
Let's destroy him and the project.
When I visited the general
and put my cards on the table,
he told me of all the people who were
involved in it. It was a powerful team.
Those who are in the know
in my party, they are saying:
We do not know how you survived.
What I will advise is, don't demobilize.
We shouldn't demobilize.
-We shouldn't demobilize.
-The war is still going on.
Now that you are no longer
having as much attention...
-Yes, that's when they will strike.
-And an accident then looks real.
So, you need to just be careful.
[indistinct]