1
- Hello.
- Amos Gitai.
Hello.
I understand we don't have much time.
Well,
better for you if it's not too long.
We're going to approach two subjects.
First a portrait...
- Pardon?
- Gad must have mentioned it.
First, an overall portrait,
then we'll go into details.
Fine.
- Are you ready?
- Yes.
Can you hear me all right?
Five dead and 30 wounded.
One of the wounded is...
Arafat said to The New York Times
that it's impossible to ignore
long months of negotiations.
"Our work wasn't a joke," he said.
According to The New York Times,
discussions in Tunis...
I'm making a film
which will have entries
like a travel diary
and it will chronicle the negotiations
between Israelis and Palestinians.
I decided that my role
in this visual diary should be
like an archaeologist.
We're coming to you live on Radio A
and television Channel 3.
Last night,
a group has infiltrated from Gaza...
I want to scratch layer after layer
to get to the substance of the matter
to understand
how we could possibly reach
some reconciliation in the region.
I haven't made a film like this
in 20 years.
The film will be constructed
in a series of capsules.
I want to look at
the little moments in life
and the general political discussions.
I have hope that negotiations
will be renewed,
but clarification of the deepest problems
will take time.
40,000 people participated
in a right-wing demonstration in Tel Aviv.
Are you concerned?
When?
Last night.
What was the reason?
Withdrawing the territories.
The tone was personal. They yelled:
"Rabin is a traitor and a liar."
Well, slogans like those,
I'm used to them.
This evening in Tunis,
Arafat reunited the PLO ruling body
to discuss the negotiations.
Let's hear from our correspondent.
The Israeli delegation met with
Yasser Arafat today at noon.
We don't know yet what was said.
Signs of progress
could prolong the delegation's visit.
But leaked rumors abou! this meeting
say disagreements remain strong.
Stop a while. Stay.
The situation is shitty.
Gaza is completely closed off.
We don't have any factories.
We want to work in Israel.
But they don't let us enter.
How are we going to eat?
We don't have anything.
We want to go work in Israel.
If we had our own country,
we could manage things on our own.
But closed checkpoints is shit.
Our own country would mean money
to build factories.
We would have industries, work,
agriculture, everything.
Our own state would give us what we need.
The US would give us money.
We would all have jobs.
You think we couldn't manage
without the Israelis?
We would be fine.
We would produce like the Israelis.
They just need to open the way.
We would sell our merchandise
to Europe and we would succeed.
Working on our industries.
We did good work in Israel.
All the Jews know
that we are good workers.
Here, if it was ours,
we would earn more and work even better.
We could do it.
Take care. Good-bye.
How are you?
- Just a patrol check.
- What's going on?
All okay in the area?
Calm?
Not too bad.
Arafat was interviewed before his meeting
with the Israeli delegation.
He declared that the conditions of
Israeli withdrawal from Jericho and Gaza
would be defined within weeks.
According to The New York Times,
during talks between Israel and the PLO,
it was a question of a proposition
by Norwegian vice-minister Larsen
regarding joint armed patrols
in the city of Hebron...
I'm against the peace process.
I'm a member of Hamas.
I went to prison for that.
Peace doesn't do anything concrete.
Even the Palestinian people
don't have confidence in Arafat.
Not anymore.
Believe me.
Try to understand.
They don't say anything concrete.
No prisoners have been released.
Nothing Arafat says comes true.
Israel does what it wants.
Whatever Israel imposes on us
must be done.
We can't say, "Our president
has done what he has promised
because he's strong."
He abandoned armed struggle.
Why doesn't Israel abandon it too?
Armed struggle was our means of pressure.
Arafat gave it up.
How can we put pressure on Israel now?
Where's peace?
We'll have peace
when our brothers in prison are freed,
when we'll see them again.
Only then will there be peace.
First the lifers!
- You know people in prison?
- All prisoners are my brothers.
Are they your relatives?
They are my brothers.
All prisoners are my brothers.
In Gaza and in the West Bank,
they are our brothers.
What do you think of Arafat's approach?
Arafat's approach?
We hope for understanding,
for things to get better.
They should think of our youth,
killed before our eyes.
- Where do you live?
- Shejaiya.
What's the situation there?
The situation in Shejaiya?
Shootings, clashes,
people killed in the streets.
Children are shot going to school.
Men are dragged out of their stores.
Yesterday, a pregnant woman was killed
with her child in Jerusalem.
What's the situation?
The situation is shit.
A catastrophe.
At what moment did you decide
to reach an agreement with the PLO,
which was previously taboo?
It was taboo for me too.
I don't want to present things
differently than they were.
I observed the process
among the Palestinians,
those in the territories
and those Palestinians everywhere else.
The process had polarized
between two principal camps.
One camp opposed all negotiations
with Israel,
led by Hamas, the Islamic Jihad,
the ten organizations
which reject the peace process
and are based in Damascus, in Syria.
They opposed all negotiations with Israel.
They were, and still are,
for armed struggle, violence,
and terrorism.
And the second camp, part of the PLO,
led by Arafat,
wanted to try the path of negotiation.
We have disputes,
especially a fundamental dispute
on the form of a permanent solution.
But there's a will to move forward
and give peace a chance.
For this reason, despite my reservations,
despite my doubts,
I came to this strategic decision
without involving emotions.
Because over the years,
resentments have accumulated
in us, in me, in them, in him.
Decades of resentments...
and fighting.
But peace can be made with enemies,
sometimes even the toughest enemies.
I believe that in our relations
with the rest of the world,
the state and its citizens
want a leadership
proud of the wonderful things
we have created here,
without apology, because I truly believe
the State of Israel aims for the best.
And if we make mistakes
by fighting for our existence,
we will be the first
to try to limit the damage
and not hurt anyone.
Since the settlements are not the problem,
disengagement isn't the solution.
So those settlements which I'm proud of
and which are part
of our pioneer heritage,
like those in Galilee or the Negev,
will remain in place
and Israeli law will be enforced
in that region.
It's unrealistic
that people sent over there
by various governments
are not Israeli citizens.
What we must understand
is that the conict with our neighbors,
what I retain from my year
in the Ministry,
is not about borders.
The real Palestinian issue
dates back to 1948, not 1967.
We cannot resolve it
with solutions from 1967.
For Palestinian leaders,
we shouldn't be living here.
But then
Hold on.
But if the leaders accepted...
Interview me then, Amos.
Currently, I don't see any moderation
from Palestinian society.
There's only radicalization.
I live in the real world,
not a fantasy, Amos.
You recommend returning the territories?
Politically and realistically,
we must build throughout Israel
and stop telling the world
this story about occupation.
We're not occupying our own land.
This occupation story
has absolutely no legal basis.
It's a false notion
which we keep holding onto,
possibly due to guilt.
I'm not occupying my own land.
It's my right.
This is my historic land,
and I have as much right to live
in Ramallah as Ahmed.
I'm very proud to be Jewish,
whether I'm in Hebron or Jerusalem.
Olmert offered the Wailing Wall
to Abu Mazen,
but he wanted more.
How much more?
Tel Aviv? Galilee? The Negev?
Consider that.
My military service in Hebron
was a very tough experience.
When I left Hebron,
I solemnly swore to myself
to never set foot there again.
I served elsewhere,
but no place ever gave me such a feeling
as when I left Hebron.
Here, military service
is really unbearable.
Breaking the Silence
was founded 12 years ago,
at the end of the Second Intifada,
by a group of former soldiers
who had served in Hebron
which was one of the bloodiest places,
and still is today.
They had the feeling that
what soldiers experienced daily
should be shared with the public.
They took action and assembled photos
they had taken during their service
as a testament.
This quickly opened up a heated debate
when seeing the huge difference
between what really happens
and what we imagined.
Things developed from there.
I've been running this NGO
for nearly four years.
We speak with soldiers. We hear their side
of the description of civilian life
under occupation.
Our goal is to question the moral price
we are paying
in pursuit of this policy.
When I was here,
that shack was our retreat.
The settlers brought us sweets and coffee.
If a child
of a woman who gave you coffee
threw stones
at the windows of Palestinian families
over there,
the child should be arrested.
But his mother gave you
coffee and fruit juice.
Would you arrest her child?
So you tell him, "Hey, stop it."
But he continues to throw stones.
So you stand like this
to make a barrier between him
and the Palestinian homes.
But he doesn't stop.
That's the reality of a soldier's life
here in Hebron.
Our main objective is to enforce the law,
because we govern the city,
but it's an impossible task.
During my military service,
and especially after,
I started asking myself many questions.
A deciding moment for me
was a trip with Breaking the Silence
to Hebron.
I remember feeling very strongly
how unacceptable the existence
of this place was,
and that I was unaware.
Even more unacceptable,
it was done in my name.
Is the situation worse
under the current government?
Our government is insane.
Crazy young settlers run the country.
What's happening is disturbing.
There exists an organization of settlers,
financed in part by public funds,
which infiltrated us with hidden cameras
and secret agents.
They infiltrated our NGO
and came to our homes.
Those people
now possess hours of private videos.
But this campaign
did not originate with them.
The campaign against Breaking the Silence
was initiated from the top of the pyramid.
That's what our government does.
It eats away at the base
of a democratic and pluralistic society,
capable of accepting criticism,
to avoid talking about the occupation.
To silence the debate.
We have...
about ten years or so.
Israel won't collapse, nor be destroyed,
nor die in ten years.
But if Israel doesn't change course,
if it doesn't make
a dramatic political turn
in less than ten years,
we'll pass the point of no return.
So this country I love so much,
which matters most to me
after my immediate family...
could end.
Time is running out.
We have made many mistakes
over many years...
My commitment is deep,
but my anger is great
against currents within Israel
and the international community.
We have not made the right choices.
If we do not recover,
if we don't start making them...
we will be solely responsible
for Israel's suicide.
That's a dramatic opinion.
What are the concrete dangers?
It's simple.
If we continue to construct
in the territories...
we will have 750,000 settlers
in the West Bank by ten years.
If we allow that to happen
in the West Bank,
sharing the country won't be possible.
That would mean the end
of a democratic Jewish nation.
There are only two options:
giving Palestinians full citizenship
and end the Jewish State,
or revoking their rights
and end our democracy.
What the settlers have begun,
and continued colonization,
are no longer simple immoral acts,
troubling and preoccupying.
It's terrifying.
It's the most anti-Zionist action
of a profound nature.
This action is quietly destroying us.
We are traumatized by repeated failures
in the peace process.
For this reason,
there's nothing that can be done today
to stop this terrible process
I'm referring to.
And this process will actually bring us
to the same point we were
when Rabin was assassinated.
I think
in reality...
Rabin has no heirs
in the profound sense of the term.
Yitzhak Rabin was not
some pro-peace hippie
as some made him.
His vision was serious
and realistic.
It was not utopian,
neither romantic nor syrupy.
That's why the Israelis loved him
and accepted to follow him.
But paradoxically,
no one could pursue his work
after his assassination.
We don't have leaders on a personal level.
We don't have a political
intellectual and spiritual elite,
capable of formulating a new idea
of "neo-Rabinism"
to restart his approach, deeply realistic,
Zionist and Israeli,
to share the country
without ignoring the difficulties
of the region we're part of.
Hello.
- Welcome.
- Thank you.
There were demonstrations
in Beit Ummar.
How old was he?
Seventeen.
When did it happen?
January 28, 2008.
A friend told me about this association.
I refused at first.
She invited me to have coffee.
When I arrived at her home,
I saw others there...
My sister, my beloved Robi.
I didn't want to look at her.
One day, I was at a friend's home,
and she entered.
I wanted to leave.
I couldn't be near an Israeli.
She walked right up to me
and asked to speak to me.
She questioned me about my son.
She spoke to me...
She told me about her son.
I told her about Mahmud.
She cried, I cried. We cried together.
We spoke.
I saw her tears and her pain for her son.
I forgot she was Israeli.
I saw a mother.
A grieving mother.
Our tears are the same.
At night, do you sometimes think
about what your son would say
about all this?
I never forget my son, not one moment.
I always think of him.
You speak to him?
Always.
What does he say?
I think...
Well...
He tries to apologize
for putting me through all this.
Maybe.
Robi, your son was killed too?
Yes.
At what age?
Twenty-seven.
How did this start?
I have fought for coexistence
my entire life.
In South Africa,
I fought against apartheid.
When David was killed,
when the soldiers told me...
I said, "This doesn't give you the right
to kill in his name."
I realized
that we could all become
a significant force
if we presented a common discourse
in public...
to serve as an example to others.
Then they arrested the man
who had killed David.
That's a whole other story, because...
That put my commitment to the test.
It's easy to talk about peace
and reconciliation
as long as you can't see
your child's killer.
This is a very long story
which developed over the years
and through events in my life.
I wrote a letter to the parents
of that boy, the sniper.
I received a very tough letter
on his behalf, a few years later.
It showed
that a reconciliation
doesn't happen overnight.
It takes years.
Do you ever disagree?
Of course.
Let's see... Well, for example,
when there are differences of opinion,
I can share my point of view
and you share yours.
Sometimes we must meet each other halfway.
Who did you lose?
I lost my fianc.
Batya, where were you born?
I was born in Iraq.
When did you emigrate?
In 1942. I was nine.
From Baghdad.
Do you think Israelis
don't understand the Arab world?
It's Arab mentality
which they don't understand.
I think...
I was telling them before
that my husband and I
had an Arab household.
We're Jewish,
we live in Israel,
but our household is Arab.
At our house, it's not necessary
to call before dropping by
if you want lunch.
You can drop by at 11
and if you want, you can stay for lunch.
- Am I invited?
- My pleasure.
My pleasure.
No one there
would make a fuss.
"I dropped by, I ate lunch..."
Normal. If someone drops by,
they won't leave hungry.
That's our reality.
That's the Arab mentality.
And honor!
Don't hurt my husband, or you'll get hurt.
That's reality.
But I wouldn't hurt them.
Never! I will always respect them.
They have come to my home.
They have slept in my bed.
And the Israeli aw?
The Israeli aw...
I think
about something very fundamental.
You work
and you know you must delegate
to be able to succeed.
That means
you can't control everything yourself.
We, the Jews, we don't let go of anything.
We are the fairest and the smartest.
We know everything...
And we know what's right for others.
The truth is we don't know.
But that's how we are.
That's the reason why
we don't accept them and vice versa.
Who did you lose?
I lost my oldest son.
When?
In 1977.
I can't let go. He's not coming back.
If God and Satan fought,
Satan won.
It's something...
that marks you for life.
We don't need groups like
B'tselem and Breaking the Silence
to be aware of the problems.
I don't have a problem
with them citing problems.
There are problems.
I want them to be exposed,
handled, and avoided.
I'm happy these NGO's exist.
But they join an international campaign
whose goal is not reconciliation,
but the destruction of Israel
as the country of the Jewish people.
Sorry, but as part of such a campaign,
grouped together,
whatever their good intentions may be,
I don't support them.
I think the majority...
It's upsetting. It's hypocrisy!
Ben-Dror, don't get upset.
The problem is such that Israel
has too many unresolved conicts.
We invite others to intervene
by refusing to define our borders.
- Exactly...
- Some cases must be closed.
Let's do it.
I've been in favor of
almost every peace initiative.
But don't forget
every time a serious peace proposal
has been made,
such as the plans by Clinton or Olmert,
the Palestinians refused.
We can't always blame Israel.
They don't want two countries!
Stopping peace comes from both sides.
We are not fully responsible.
Excuse me for bringing this up again,
but there have been talks,
some difficult, even with attacks,
but they created lasting mechanisms
for cooperation.
Precisely, those NGO's
and certain European countries...
Fill the holes left by this government.
They are in control.
There was a crisis
after Rabin's assassination.
We overcame that trauma.
Not at all.
All those NGO's are counterproductive.
I want peace and reconciliation.
They want the opposite.
I don't agree.
They reinforce hate for Israel
and Palestinian refusal. Peace together!
Okay, in my opinion,
most people are motivated
by their personal consciousness.
But maybe not for everyone.
Some react because
of the absence of government action.
It's like the Wild West
because of the absence of action
by the government.
We heard shots were fired
at some young people here,
the Ibrahimi quarter.
This created a certain uneasiness.
We had to interrupt the planned session.
Please come in.
You all know how to use a camera, right?
When something happens,
remind me, what should you do?
We aim the camera to film,
focusing on the wounded
or the event in question.
We shoot from a safe spot.
We film like a radar.
- Exactly.
- Understand?
- Anything else?
- Yes, the zoom.
The zoom.
We all have the same tendency.
We want to film certain scenes
by moving closer.
That's not good.
But seriously, sometimes,
when the event is far, out of reach,
we want to know who is the martyr.
How can the zoom help us?
To bring us closer to the subject.
The most important thing,
don't forget, is your life.
Before filming, think of your safety!
- Even before filming.
- Absolutely.
Quiet, so we can hear.
Sorry.
He's asking who the fugitive is.
"Are you in charge?"
"Come in. Someone's hiding out here."
Did you see?
We see him clearly.
Watch the camera move.
It follows the soldier
while he searches for the boy.
It follows him,
then returns to the point of arrival.
Come with me.
He asks, "Who's that boy?
What are you doing here?"
He says, "I'm a tourist."
"Fine, have fun."
Translation: "Not your business."
Calm down!
Go away!
Calm down!
You looking for trouble?
Get out of here!
Why are you filming?
Hold him.
Why are you filming, asshole?
Asshole!
He should file a complaint.
The military targets men.
They symbolize pride more than women.
The military usually doesn't
act aggressively toward women...
Not always.
Women are usually at home
while men are out at work.
Yet...
After I married,
I cried whenever I saw soldiers.
I'm afraid of what the military can do.
Now, I take my camera out and film.
I didn't dare before.
The camera gives me confidence.
It's like holding a firearm.
I feel strong enough for adventure,
to do something,
do incredible things.
Now, the soldiers,
when they see us,
even if they are aggressive,
they take account of us.
Now they are afraid.
There's fear.
When the settlers see us filming,
they back away.
The debate over Netanyahu:
is he an opportunist or an ideologist?
Is he interested in power only
and nothing else?
- I think he's an ideologist.
- I agree.
He's not motivated by religion.
He's not a believer.
He's interested in history,
but he isn't awaiting the Messiah.
In my opinion, he's only interested
in securing the territories,
which he thinks are vital for Israel.
Thus he considers Palestinians
as a management problem.
He doesn't see a moral dilemma,
nor a fundamental blow to our democracy
by this control over people.
How should foreign spectators attempt
to understand this equivocal region?
They have the impression
of watching a TV series,
because from day to day
the roles of heroes and villains
can be interchangeable.
It's like some hit dramatic TV series
for the media.
Of course, as viewed by Westerners...
it can be puzzling.
The Middle East crisis
is in full upheaval.
So how would you explain it
to a high school student
from France, the UK, or the US?
What's the meaning of this commotion?
It's a conict
that has lasted more than a century
and...
it's based on a feeling
of existential threat,
for Palestinians as well as Israelis...
both who have still not found peace.
Furthermore,
and it's our paper's stance,
territorial division...
is the least of evils.
It's difficult
and it won't end Palestinian feelings
of injustice
nor end Israeli fear of annihilation.
As for the idea of one country
with equal civil rights,
this has proven to be unstable
and difficult to manage,
even in more peaceful countries
like Belgium and Canada.
Applying this to the Middle East
would not be easy.
The solution of dividing the land
seems more likely, despite everything.
Do you come to Hebron often, Gideon?
It depends on events.
Lately, we come often
because Hebron is today's center
of almost all resistance.
We're in the West Bank every week.
Hebron has become...
We come to Hebron often.
I think we came five or six times
in two months.
It's calm in Jerusalem and elsewhere.
Everything's going on here.
Alex, what do you look for visually?
Not much to see here.
We interview people about their stories.
You do portraits?
Yes, but... We try to go a bit beyond that.
But it's not possible most of the time.
We try to reveal the people...
So we look around,
something in their homes...
What we're trying
is to "re-humanize" the Palestinians.
Every single portrait is important
in this sense.
The Israeli press has dehumanized them
over the years, systematically.
Even the most obvious victims
are not shown as human beings.
So Alex gives them a face.
I explained to the crew the importance
of what you've done for years now.
- How long?
- Thirty years.
Thirty years.
There are general views
from both sides.
Some concepts, overall ideas...
But you're presenting individuals.
You're trying to show the impact
of the occupation on the individual.
On a small scale.
Case by case, individuals.
That's my goal.
In the Israeli press,
they don't have a face, name, nothing.
Simply terrorists.
They're like us.
Even skin color.
I'm just saying.
We give readers a chance
to see inside their homes.
Since the construction of the wall,
there's no more contact
between Israelis and Palestinians.
The only contact is military...
soldiers, police...
Civilian visits were terminated.
The previous mobility was stopped.
Same for them.
They've dehumanized us too.
We meet children who have never seen
an unarmed Israeli.
It's evident.
As soon as they hear Hebrew,
they hide behind their mothers.
What still surprises me
is entering a home in full mourning,
and were welcomed with open arms,
despite being Israeli.
I would have waited to say that
on the way back.
Now, I bet we'll get stones thrown at us.
I believe in the evil eye. But he's right.
In 30 years,
no one ever refused to speak to us.
Even parents who lost a child
the day before.
- Are you related?
- Yes, my immediate family.
- What's your name?
- Majid.
Majid. Same family name?
- You sell shoes?
- Yes, for women.
Speak in Hebrew.
Fine.
His father is Kayed of the Rajbi family.
Fifteen years old. Which grade?
Which grade?
High school.
The kid told his father
that he was going to see his cousin.
Nothing unusual.
Where does the cousin live?
- Where?
- Nearby.
Not far.
One hour.
What time?
His name wasn't made public?
No.
He heard...
In the car.
He heard in the car someone was wounded.
He checked an information site.
He saw the photo.
He knew it was his son
when he saw the pants and shoes.
- Understand?
- Yes.
He had a feeling.
And then?
He called his wife to verify
what clothes the boy was wearing.
She knew?
She didn't really remember...
She hesitated.
Not sure.
Then the mother remembered
the colors of the boy's clothing.
What colors?
What colors?
What color was his shirt?
Then his brother...
His brother?
The martyr's brother.
He recognized his brother.
Then he saw a second photo.
- He knew the shirt.
- What's his name?
- What's the brother's name?
- Ussama.
He was sure it was him?
He was a child. How could they stab him?
They can't control a 15-year-old?
They wanted to kill him,
not stop him.
They wanted to kill.
There were three soldiers,
well-equipped and well-armed,
behind a barrier,
easily capable of stopping him.
But they wanted to kill.
This cycle,
can vengeance be avoided?
Yes, if we make peace.
If politicians really wanted,
there would be peace in 24 hours
and not 24 years
of talking more and more for nothing.
One of our leaders
and one of yours
must sit and end occupation,
by saying, "It's over. Stop."
In my opinion,
those who refuse peace
have made a strong coalition.
- In Israel?
- No. Both sides.
You have...
Allow me, please.
I witnessed Rabin
sign with the Palestinians.
In Tel Aviv, buses were blown up daily.
This helped extremist Jews kill Rabin.
You understand? They worked hand in hand.
You understand?
You don't agree?
And him?
Tell him what I said.
A Jew.
A Jew. An Israeli.
I'm telling you my opinion:
nothing is more solid than the coalition
of those who oppose peace.
You have an extremist coalition.
- True.
- They don't want peace.
- You understood my question?
- They want annexation.
You understood my question?
One day people will ask:
"Where were you? What were you doing?"
People will say they don't know.
The readers of Haaretz Daily will know,
at least.
But it's a long process.
I don't know if it can resist time.
I only know that I can't keep quiet.
And I know that my influence
is very small.
But aside from writing,
I don't know how to do much.
And I can only write about this.
Because this is a huge drama
and a huge crime.
I don't know if my work has a sense
or if there is one.
I don't know.
I don't know if you can answer
the other question...
What's your dream?
What do you wish for?
I wish to die a martyr.
Because.
Fifth grade.
But life is good, Ali.
I know.
Generally, people like being alive.
Don't you think?
Better to die a martyr.
Living is better!
I know life is good. I know that.
Being a martyr is better.
Instead of Allah making us die,
we choose to die.
Our political life has been transformed
into slogans
which target various identities
at the heart of our society.
As for the relations between Jews
and Arabs in Israel,
the danger is particularly important.
The borders are not defined
and there's no agreement on sharing.
The conict has infiltrated our society.
This national conict could transform
throughout the region in an instant.
Arousing Jerusalem's Dome of the Rock
could set the whole region ablaze.
But this particularly reinforces hostility
towards Arab citizens of this country.
This goes against everything
that I was taught.
I firmly believe in implementing
my parents' ideology:
Greater Israel is an important principle,
but it isn't the only one.
It's hard for someone who believes
we have a right to this land.
In my first meeting with Abu Alaa
in Annapolis,
we started discussing about
claiming our rights.
I gave him the whole program:
the Bible, the Jewish people...
I believe in this historic right,
biblical and legal.
Naturally, he spoke
about his family, his history.
It was clear that the problem
wasn't about who
has the most rights to this land.
Every people has its own narrative.
We're not obliged to tell the same story.
We only need to define a common life
based on the two-state solution.
We need two leaders,
at least,
who understand that the price of inaction
is higher on its people
than what they would pay politically
for making an agreement.
Our problem is
that a small group which represents
a whole other vision,
namely Greater Israel
and the pursuit of the settlements,
will actually bring us
to the point of no return.
I'm concerned about the trends
which push Israel's Jewish community
towards extremism.
However, there still exist
pockets of initiatives of goodwill.
We're here because the UN learned
about the construction of that cursed wall
and the chasing away of the Bedouins.
I was sent to study the site.
I discovered that the inhabitants
wanted to build a school.
That's how it started.
The rabbis were here
even before the school.
They were on this land with us,
hand in hand.
Before the school was built,
our children had to walk
22 kilometers.
There was no bus to take them.
There was no one who could bring them.
Because of the distance,
we requested in 1991
for the construction of a school,
but they refused.
We requested buses
to drive the children to school.
They said there were no buses.
We are forbidden to build anything
with hard material.
We saw on the Internet
that in South Africa,
Brazil and Argentina,
they use tires and mud for building.
We picked up a lot of tires
to build a school.
But the authorities found out,
and they ordered us to stop immediately.
I know people in the town of Kfar Adumim.
We're neighbors.
They filed a complaint against the school,
stating that it was built on their land
and that it presented a risk
to their village.
They say that our building is illegal.
But why are their buildings legal
when they're only 800 meters away?
I've lived here since before 1967.
Why this difference in status?
They're settlers.
They are above the law, not below.
They are above the law.
The settlers want the whole community
to disappear,
especially the school.
They understand that the school
is the center of the community.
The expression of my Judaism
is the defense of this community.
Judaism's greatness is shown...
injustice and law.
But here, as Isaiah said,
"A great injustice has been committed."
So I think the right thing to do here...
is to accomplish the precepts of Judaism:
respect one another, respect human values,
the right to education and a livelihood,
the right to peace
and solidarity.
Indifference, greed,
the desire to chase off and annex
at the expense of these people
are sad and revolting.
Of course,
it undermines our own existence
and the possibility to live in peace.
How do you see the future?
For the future,
in my case,
the world will wake up, God willing.
The world is asleep.
It ignores what's happening in the region.
Now, yes, if the world awakens,
the government will feel the pressure.
Then we could remain here
and have villages like the others.
I would like us to have a school,
a clinic,
a children's playground.
I would like for us to live in peace.
Would you live in Palestine or Israel?
Either one.
I see an attempt...
a very aggressive attempt,
sometimes awkward,
to make the major problem
of this country disappear,
the occupation of the Palestinians.
As this finding becomes
so clear and important,
there's more effort to cloud it
and make it disappear from public debate.
There have been two electoral campaigns
over the past three years.
This issue has not been debated seriously.
That's not by chance.
It's a result of action,
concerted, directed, funded.
The 1967 border is being gradually erased.
The term "occupation"
is leaving the lexicon.
I think this is proof of fear.
Proof that
those who want to keep us quiet
know that we are right.
What is your idea of utopia,
how to make the ideal model
you want to reach?
The solution to this conict...
isn't simply utopic
nor some moral and visionary ideal.
The best choice for us
is concrete, useful, and effective.
How do we want to live?
Who do we want to be?
We thought he was surely
some Palestinian worker
accompanied by his guard.
Sometimes they come shopping with a guard.
But they never make contact.
We didn't understand him.
He didn't understand us.
He was alone.
The girl at the entrance
understood the situation.
She grabbed something in defense.
I was a bit naive in the moment.
But I saw him go out
and return to make sure
the coast was clear.
Upon returning, he pulled out an object
and held it close at his side.
I had...
considered the possibility
that he was a terrorist
and holding a knife.
- She lives in a movie, you know.
- Well, it was like a movie.
He pulls out a knife and she deliberates!
But there are breaks.
He attacked but missed me.
I fell, and he stabbed my shoulder.
Then he ran off.
And...
that's all.
I understood the situation...
I was alone, lying on the ground.
- You were pregnant.
- That's right.
He stabbed me far from my belly
and didn't hurt the baby, thank God.
He punctured my lung
and broke a rib.
I felt like I was fine,
but then my condition rapidly got worse.
I ran to the exit.
People thought I was running after
a terrorist.
But I definitely wasn't trying
to catch him.
I explained that I had been stabbed.
The others ran after the terrorist.
It was getting harder and harder
to breathe. I couldn't stand any more.
I got worse.
But thank God, the ambulance arrived.
That's when she realized
he was a terrorist.
Then she understood.
It's nice of you to be here.
This land belongs to no one.
It belongs to God.
History brought us here.
History brought Arabs here too.
We're here together.
I don't have some deep knowledge
about history.
The problem is not about
who is more at fault.
We have to decide what to do
from this moment on.
We must stop blaming
and learn to live together.
We must make efforts.
I think the settlers and the Palestinians
will bring peace.
We're the ones who are living together.
I really hope that my dream
will come true one day,
by me or by others,
to see every settlement
and its nearby village
organize together activities for children,
soccer matches.
Everything necessary
to make it understood that
the people on the other side
are also human beings.
We must transform the image of the enemy.
There's no more reason to be so afraid,
with God's help.
That's why we must tell fear,
"You did your job.
Now move on to something else."
What kind of Middle East
do you hope to see?
I would like to see a reality
less violent,
more peaceful,
more stable.
Risks to stability
don't arise only
from the Arab-Israeli conict.
There's a wave of khomeinism
without Khomeini.
A wave of Islamic extremism...
which risks endangering
the moderate Arab regimes.
We see what's happening in Algeria.
We see what's happening in Sudan.
Look at Lebanon,
where Islamic extremism is developing
among Palestinians.
The dangers are there?
Yes.
To counter them,
we must avoid creating a reality
which serves as fertile ground
for these extremist threats to ourish.
We must strive for peace.
We must also promote
economic and social development
of Arab partners
with whom we have an accord,
to eliminate two obstacles:
hate for Israel,
and worse, economic and social distress.
For me, the principal
is to create a new environment.
A new reality.
New relations,
starting this year,
so that we can negotiate on final status
from a different reality.
Maybe start building confidence
between the Palestinian entity
in the territories
and the Israeli entity.
That's the main challenge.
For instead of arousing fantasies
or illusions
about a permanent solution,
we must first make intermediate steps
which would bring, by their success,
evidence that peaceful coexistence
is possible.
Today, this seems almost like...
utopia.
I am committed to striving
to reach that status.
In a few months,
we cannot change a reality
created by a century
of bloody struggles and hatred
between the Palestinians and us.
What's most important about this event
that we've organized tonight
is that it allows Middle Eastern culture
to serve
as a gateway between us and the Arabs.
That's the most important.
We can live in peace and love one another
by sharing culture and music.
That's the most important aspect
of this event for me.